Language conundrum in higher education institutions in South Africa: One step forward or two steps back?

1 Introduction

A medium of instruction in teaching may be understood as the language for oral instruction, written teaching material and assessments.1 Thus, in the teaching and learning process, language fosters understanding, collaborations and outcomes. In contrast, when used prejudicially and/or strictly, language as a medium of instruction may exclude students from the teaching and learning process.

South Africa is considered a multilingual country. Post-apartheid South Africa constitutionally recognise eleven official languages.2 This follows centuries when official languages were Dutch, English and Afrikaans leaving African languages being relegated and disregarded.3 The historical roots of colonialism and segregation in South Africa demonstrates, amongst other things that language was a tool of racial segregation.4 English and Dutch are widely accepted as European languages that were imposed on the colonised.5 In the apartheid period, language was used to oppress and dominate black people. This was made official in 1925 when the Union of South Africa, predecessor of present-day Republic of South Africa, officially replaced Dutch with Afrikaans as one of two official languages of the Union alongside English.6

Post-apartheid South Africa took a unique approach to its language heritage. The 1996 Constitution recognises English and Afrikaans, languages historically associated with oppression, as official languages alongside previously marginalised African languages. It may be argued that this approach was undertaken to address the language hierarchy modelled by the colonial and apartheid regimes. However, for some, the approach is questionable as it practically fails to elevate languages that were suppressed by linguistic imperialism.7 Having said that, post 1994, English and Afrikaans remained as medium of instructions in teaching and learning in South African schools and higher education institutions to the exclusion of African languages.8 Although South Africa has eleven official languages with equal status, it may be argued that not all languages outlined in the Constitution are native to people of Southern Africa. These languages are English and Afrikaans. Nonetheless, section 6(1) of the Constitution provides that it recognises the use and status of indigenous languages; in doing so, the Constitution urges the state to take practical and positive measures to elevate and advance the status of indigenous languages. In light of this provision, the South African government has the responsibility to realize this constitutional provision. Regrettably, in undertaking this responsibility, there is no benchmark on what amounts to practical and positive measures.

Cognizant of the apartheid-era education system and following the adoption of the 1996 Constitution, there was a need to decolonise curricula and mediums of instruction in order to bring about social change and promote equality. Limited to institutions of higher education, the paper contends that the South African government and institutions of higher education have a transformative duty to decolonise the medium of instruction. This submission considers that institutions of higher education as spaces are not limited to intellectual development, innovation, fostering of knowledge, or knowledge sharing through research and methodologies.9 In truth, the decolonisation of medium of instruction in institutions of higher education may also be utilised as a social apparatus that contributes to the promotion of social cohesion by challenging the colonial and apartheid legacies, foster empowerment and holistic learning. As will be shown later in the paper, efforts towards the decolonisation process must be grounded on the building blocks of transitional justice with the view of promoting peace and social cohesion.10

The apartheid regime exacerbated and formalised already present systems of racial segregation. Overtime, the education system was utilised as a tool of oppression. Following its abolishment, the post-apartheid government established present day Historical Black Universities (HBUs) to empower black students, promote social justice and offer higher learning education to previously marginalised communities. Regrettably, as of 2023, not a single HBU has committed itself to transform or effectively integrate any African language or African languages in its surrounding community as a medium of instruction for the completion of undergraduate qualifications. That said, some snail-paced strides in some universities, not necessarily HBUs, are worth acknowledging for supporting completion of postgraduate qualifications or offering at least an undergraduate module. For instance, the University of South Africa (UNISA) conferred its first PhD in Setswana.11 In other examples, Rhodes University conferred its first PhD in isiXhosa;12 and at the University of Cape Town, students studying towards MBChB are required to pass an isiXhosa module. 13

Over the years, contentious debates and court cases have surrounded the dominance of English and Afrikaans in higher education institutions. This has prompted conversations on the need for transformation of language in higher education institutions. Heeding Prof Phakeng’s sentiments that “every university student in this country [should at least be urged] to learn and be fluent in at least one of the nine languages” (nine having excluded English and Afrikaans),14 this paper seeks to examine the role of transformative justice in navigating the language dilemmas in higher education institutions.

For the purpose of this paper, there are key considerations and meanings to be highlighted. First, colonial languages refers to English and Afrikaans.15 Second, African languages will be used interchangeably with indigenous languages.16 Third, reference to indigenous people refers to African or black people native to present day South Africa before the arrival of European explores and/or settlers. Fourth, unless otherwise stipulated, education should be understood within the context of education in higher education institutions. Fifthly, all reference to the Constitution, unless specifically indicated, refers to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. Lastly, the South African language dilemma is two-fold. A language policy may offer English and Afrikaans as a medium of instruction or it may offer English only. Over the years, many South African higher education institutions have relegated Afrikaans as a medium of instruction, thus opting for English as a preferred language. Whilst this appears as fostering inclusion-given that English is a universal language - the dominance of English underscores linguistic imperialism in the education system. That said, this paper aims to call for the development and elevation of indigenous languages of South Africa as medium of instructions.

Taking a textual analysis and having engaged relevant literature, the scope of the examination of the language conundrum will be limited to the 2021 Chairperson of the Council of UNISA v AfriForum NPC case; the 2022 Commission of inquiry into allegations of racism at Stellenbosch university also known as the Kampepe Report; and the 2023 South African Human Rights Commission’s Investigative Report into Allegations of Unconstitutional Language Practices at Certain Stellenbosch University Residences.

2 The language dilemma in higher education in South Africa: A comprehensive review of literature

The concept of a university is Eurocentric. Africa prior to colonisation did not have formalised western institutions that represent present-day universities. Even so, Africa had rich educational traditions that contributed towards the transmission of knowledge. For example, Muslim education was an education system that existed in pre-colonial Africa;17 ancient Egypt had at least three categories of schools systems: royal schools, religious schools and common schools;18 and Mansa Musa, emperor of the Mali empire (1312C.E. to 1337 C.E.) built schools, mosques and libraries.19

South Africa has experienced years of language oppression. This experience can be traced to the Cape settlement of the Dutch East India Company and the insistence of the settlers that the indigenous people of Southern Africa learn Dutch.20 When European colonialism ended and internal colonisation began in 1961 following the Union of South Africa, there was a neo-colonial policy of official bilingualism that saw English and Afrikaans implemented with English retaining dominance. This stemmed from the language debate pre-apartheid 1652-1948. Following the rule of the National Party (1948-1994), the latter persisted and attempted to attain equality between English and Afrikaans in response to the struggle of resistance by Afrikaans speakers where English was imposed at the detriment of Afrikaans. This led to the dominance of Afrikaans and subsequently the 1976 Soweto Uprising.21 The events following the uprising resulted in the exclusion of Afrikaans as a sole medium of instruction in all institutions of learning post-apartheid.

In post-apartheid South Africa, English was and continues to be deemed acceptable in comparison to Afrikaans as a medium of instruction. Nevertheless, the choice of either language as a primary medium of instruction disregards and hinders the development of indigenous languages native to black South Africans. This is emphasised by Ntlama-Makhanya, who asserts the dominance of the English languages affirms the still-born status of indigenous languages reducing these languages and many others, to second-class languages. 22

It is imperative to acknowledge that the recognition of indigenous languages of South Africa as equal should not be overshadowed by mere oral communications. The status of equality, as enshrined in the Constitution,23 should be reflected in institutions of learning to foster redress of historical injustices and contributing towards national economic development. The role of language in economic development of a state is supported by Zhang and Grenier who assert that a dominant language contributes to the economic success and the increase of economic efficiency of a state.24 Sharing similar sentiments, Madadzhe asserts that, countries that utilise their native language for teaching and learning, for example, Italy, Britain, France, Netherlands, China, etc; are economically and socially advanced.25 Whereas developing or underdeveloped African countries that were former colonies such as Angola, Benin, Ghana, South Africa, Democratic Republic of Congo, Cameroon, Senegal, Nigeria are plagued with political instability or high poverty and unemployment rates. These former colonies have adopted English or French as their medium of instruction in teaching and learning. 26

The language problem in South Africa’s teaching and learning process is extraordinary: On the one hand, tensions exist between two official languages, English and Afrikaans. On the other hand, tension exists between what Musitha and Tshibalo term “ethnic European” languages (English and Afrikaans) and the African languages native to Southern Africa.27 The failure to commit towards the development and subsequent usage of indigenous languages beyond oral communication may contribute to the underdevelopment and subsequent abandonment of these languages. Aside from the lack of active political will from the South African government to develop indigenous languages native to present day South Africa, Mphasha et al lays out other reasons for the abandonment of indigenous languages native to South Africa to include scarcity in literature and academic textbooks.28

Considering the diversity in languages, it may be argued that higher education institutions should pursue having a dominant indigenous language spoken in their specific demographic as a medium of instruction, alongside the universally accepted English. For example, the Northern regions of Limpopo and the geographical location of the University of Venda is predominately Tshivenda speaking people; Tshivenda could be one of the medium language of instruction. In other study conducted by Musitha and Tshibalo, they found that in the Western Cape, Coloureds are the majority population (48%) followed by Black Africans with 32%. They recommended that in such a province, medium of instruction could be both Afrikaans for Coloureds and isiXhosa for Black Africans.29 Whilst Afrikaans has long being considered a primary language of instruction, this recommendation supports the development and preservation of the isiXhosa. Aside from this, Mphasha et al take a holistic view and recommend that provinces may decide and determine what language medium they will adopt for institutions.30

The extreme poverty conditions of South Africa has also contributed towards inadequate education and illiteracy.31 Numerous South African students, in primary and secondary education, who come from poor or disadvantaged backgrounds, are often taught in their mother-tongue for better understanding. When they transition to higher education institutions where English and/or Afrikaans are medium of instructions, language proficiency proves to be challenging.32 Students who are not fluent in English, are not only marginalised, the inadequate use of either English or Afrikaans will most certainly affect their academic performance.33 This is illustrated in the findings by Mphasha et al. Their study found that students of the University of Venda are not coping with using English as a medium of instruction as they are mostly native speakers of Tshivenda. Secondly, the study found that these students do not understand the lecturer during delivery of a lesson. Third, the study found that first entering students who were taught in their mother-tongue in primary and secondary education struggle with their academics at the university.34

It is regrettable that in nearly 30 years since gaining independence, the language dilemma continues to be a sensitive and complex issue that has led to education related disruptions post 1994. These post-independence outcries are a reminder of the racial categorisation or classification which contoured the colonial-apartheid history of South Africa.35 This is centred on the reality that both English and Afrikaans speaking students are taught in their mother-tongue; however for black African students, this reality is not translated. 36

As asserted by Alexandra, it is imperative to determine whether the state can transform indigenous languages as a resource.37 In other words, can the state commit to transform [indigenous] languages into instruments of unification instead of division as they have been.38

3 The role of transitional and transformation justice in education systems.

Transitional justice may be understood as justice that is associated with political change, grounded by legal responses to address the wrongdoing of the repressive predecessor regime.39 There are numerous strategies, mechanisms or approaches that may be adopted in post-conflict societies or societies of previously repressive regimes. The process to address the human rights violations of the predecessor regime may include judicial (retributive approach) mechanisms such as prosecutions and non-judicial mechanisms (restorative approach) such as reparations and truth-seeking mechanisms. 40 Despite the fluidity of transitional justice approaches, scholars such as Molloy contend that at times, transitional justice mechanisms do not address violations of economic, social, and cultural rights thus ignoring socio-economic rights violations.

Following the abolishment of the apartheid regime, South Africa opted for a restorative justice approach to investigate human rights violations perpetrated during the apartheid regime. This approach was facilitated by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission established by the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act 34 of 1995. Essentially, a restorative justice approach is a victim centred approach that seeks to repair harm experienced by victims as a result of injustices and human rights violations. This form of justice is grounded on measures that seek to ensure prevention of future violations through cooperative processes that often include the victim, community and perpetrator; in order to secure truth, justice, reparations and guarantees of non-recurrence. 41 The focus of restorative justice is repairing the damage caused by the wrongful action and how to restore the well-being of those involved with “emphasise on restoration of respect, equality, dignity, and the relationships affected by the harmful event”. 42

Transitional justice and education can be employed simultaneously and contribute towards transformation.43 In other words, education may be utilised as a tool for social change and cohesion in order to foster peacebuilding and guarantee non-occurrence.44 For South Africa, the consideration of education as a tool for peacebuilding is particularly important considering marginalisation of languages indigenous to South Africa and the oppressive nature of schooling system under the apartheid regime. One may contend that the post-apartheid South Africa has taken a glacial approach to transform the education system that continues to reflect the colonial and apartheid legacy. This was buttressed in the 2015 #FeesMustFall, a student-led protest movement calling for the decolonisation and transformation of higher education institutions.45 The movement put to the fore the deficit of the South African government in transforming the education system. Thus, though the movement had various goals, unrests on languages in higher education institutions nearly 30 years since attaining democracy highlighted the existence and impact of language marginalisation post-apartheid. This unending dilemma also contributes to disagreements and differences amongst individuals on the nature and existence of the colonial legacy.46

The snail-speed efforts by the South African government on its commitment to realise section 29(2) of the Constitution, continues to impact students particularly those from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. This could be attributed to the findings that economic backgrounds has an impact on reading proficiency. For instance, the National Assessment of Education Progression, a statistical agency in the United States of America, reported that grade 12 students from low-income families read four years below middle-class students.47 For South Africa, and many other African countries, this has led to teachers, particularly in rural communities, translating learning materials in the classroom in order to ensure understanding of concepts.48 The challenge arises when first year students from economically disadvantaged backgrounds begin their higher education. The lecturers often do not, or may not translate concepts or learning materials or allow students who understand the concept or material to explain it in their mother tongue. Considering that English is the medium of instruction, these students are likely to underperform academically. 49

Consequently, it may be argued that the unavailability of indigenous languages in the higher education institutions may conjure up remembrance of student protests on accessible, free and decolonisation of education corroborated in the 2015 #FeesMustFall and 1976 Soweto uprising. The continuous neglect of education as a vehicle and apparatus for a transformative society contributes in the narrative of failure to redress legacies of conflict and repression, inequality and social division.50 Characterised by being a multilingual and multicultural nation, revolutionary solutions ought to be explored and adopted in an attempt to address interethnic and interracial tensions amongst South Africans post-apartheid.51

The 1996 Constitution of South Africa provides that the state must take practical and positive measures to elevate the status and advance the use of indigenous languages.52 Section 29(2) provides for the right to receive education in the official language(s) of choice in public education institutions. However, the caveat of the provision is that the choice must be reasonably practicable. This caveat offers black South African students the Hobson’s choice: a choice to choose between English or Afrikaans (linguistic imperialism) or nothing at all.53 As a duty-bearer, the state must consider educational alternatives including single medium institutions. In doing so, it must consider: equity, practicability, the need to redress the results of past racially discriminatory laws and practices.54 The failure of the state to realise this obligation may prompt one to contend that linguistic imperialism exists in democratic South Africa.55 Thus for Madadzhe, the new era of a democratic South Africa was accompanied by optimism that native languages of South Africa will be languages of teaching and learning. However, in practice, as Madadzhe states:

[T]his optimism was not misplaced, it was however doused to some extent as proponents of African languages were confronted by multifaceted complexities that are often associated with language use in higher education such as the lack of support from officials and students, and the entrenched dominance of English in all key areas (study materials, technology and funding).56

It is not sufficient to acknowledge English as an imperialist tool. The South African government and higher education institutions need to redesign language policies and the development of indigenous languages with consideration of the pedagogical and epistemological access of these languages.57 Having said that, it may be argued that the South African government lacks the necessary active political will to realize the provisions contained in section 29(2) of the Constitution. Furthermore, the government and higher education institutions are complicit in the lack of developing indigenous languages due to either their vague approach on implementation of existing policies and lack of monitoring or non-monitoring mechanisms.58 This lack of commitment enables and contributes towards the development and continued dominance of English.59As argued above, in the 30 years since independence, none of the HBU have adopted their demographic native language as a medium of instruction, consequently resulting in English as the sole medium of instruction. This remains to be determined whether this is a true reflection of a transformed society. Notwithstanding this reality, some Afrikaans and English medium of instruction universities have attempted to rewrite the narrative as seen in Stellenbosch University. The university has formally recognised in their language policy isiXhosa as its third official language, however, only where it is reasonably practicable. Language policies of South African universities that promote indigenous languages may be perceived as tools of social redress and a response of the exclusion and marginalisation of such languages by the apartheid system.60 The implementation of indigenous languages in language policies of higher education institutions is a challenge in South African universities. One of the primary challenges can be attributed to mainly the delay by the state to promote and prioritise publication of scientific research material in those languages.61 Thus, according to Theledi and Masote, there is very little effort towards challenging the status of the dominant languages such as English in the education system.62 Consequently, this is contributing towards the alienation, underdevelopment and possible extinction of other indigenous languages.63

It is imperative for the South African government to escape the international capitalist systems which continues to restrict the social and economic growth of the country. Certainly, it is an undisputed reality that English has been accepted as a universal language useful for international commerce, diplomacy and globalisation. Consequently, South Africa’s official languages can, with the necessary political will, coexist with English and be utilised concurrently in teaching and learning in order to prevent isolation of the global scholarship.64 However, the development of other official languages contained in the Constitution will remain unfeasible if these languages are not developed scientifically and for academic scholarship to ensure implementation as mediums of instruction.65 In truth, whilst most universities have formulated language policies that include the development of at least one indigenous language for academic purposes, the implementation of such language policies presents significant challenges.

Building on the arguments and case law analysis in a previously co-authored publication on the same issue,66 this paper will focus on the developments since that publication, specifically the 2022 UNISA v Afriforum case and the 2022 and 2023 commission reports on Stellenbosch University.

4 Language policies in higher education institutions: A Synopsis of UNISA v Afriforum and Commission reports on Stellenbosch University

5 Conclusion

The reviewed case and reports illuminate the ongoing challenge of language in South Africa’s higher education institutions. Notwithstanding the efforts by some institutions such as Stellenbosch to recognise an indigenous language as one of the medium of instruction, the caveat of reasonability and practicability remains. Fundamentally, the same efforts ought to be evident in HBUs.

Whilst the paper argues for the development and inclusion of indigenous languages in the teaching and learning process, the paper is not calling for an anti-Afrikaans environment, particularly in historically white institutions. The contention is that the language debate should not be limited to the choice between English and Afrikaans. Instead, the conversation should be broadened to reflect linguistic diversity of South Africa. For some time, English and Afrikaans have dominated whilst overshadowing indigenous languages that predate colonialism and are spoken by the majority of South Africans. This reality perpetuates linguistic hierarchy despite language equality enshrined in section 6 of the Constitution.

The dialogue on the development of indigenous languages should be addressed delicately as it requires engagement on the need for redress and transformation of societies for the promotion of social cohesion. Moreover, whilst some higher education institutions have revised their language policies to include indigenous languages, the exercise of inclusion should be accompanied by efforts directed towards their development and subsequent usage to enable students to choose to learn in their mother-tongue or any other indigenous language of their choice. Grounded by section 6, the aim of the state and higher education institutions is not to eliminate English or Afrikaans, rather to establish a multilingual academic environment that reflects the language diversity. The utopia of a rainbow nation should not be abstractly inked in black and white. The state must have active political will to support higher education institutions to develop and integrate indigenous languages in the teaching and learning process. This support will illustrate efforts towards the elimination of language imperialism.